Tripodos <p><strong><em>Tripodos</em></strong> is an academic journal of international scope published by the <a href="">Blanquerna School of Communication and International Relations</a>, <a href="">Ramon Llull University</a>. Since 1996, the pages of this biannual publication have offered a forum for debate and critical discussion with regard to any discipline related to the world of communication: journalism, cinema, television, radio, advertising, public relations, the Internet, etc.</p> <p>The journal only accepts articles written in English.</p> <p><strong><em><br />Tripodos:</em></strong></p> <p>- Is indexed in<span class="st"> SCOPUS and in Web of Science (WoS) - Emerging Sources Citation Index (ESCI) database</span>.</p> <p>- Q3 in the 2020 SJR Scimago Journal &amp; Country Rank. SJR 2020=0.15.</p> <p>- Q2 in the 2019 REDIB Ranking of Ibero-American Journal Ranking. Occupies the 10th position in the category of Communication in Spain. </p> <p>- Q1 in Dialnet metrics. Occupies the 7th position in the category of Communication.</p> <p>- Is in category C of the CIRC classification (Integrated Classification of Scientific Journals).</p> <p>- Is indexed, among others, in the following databases and catalogs: Ulrich’s periodicals directory, EBSCO Publishing, Communication Source, DOAJ (Directory of Open Access Journals), ERIH PLUS, ISOC, DICE, MIAR, Latindex, Dulcinea, REBID, Library of Congress, British Library, COPAC, SUDOC, ZDB, OCLC WorldCat, Dialnet, Carhus Plus+, RACO.</p> <p>- Has an h5-index of 11 in Google Scholar Metrics (2015-2019) and an h5-median of 19.</p> <p><a href="">Author guidelines</a></p> <p><a href="">Evaluation form</a></p> <p><strong><br />CALL FOR PAPERS 51</strong></p> <p><a href=""><strong>NARRATIVES IN DISPUTE: EPISTEMOLOGICAL APPROACHES TO CONFLICT, PEACE AND SECURITY</strong></a></p> <p>Deadline for articles: 30/06/2021</p> <p>Publication: December 2021</p> Blanquerna School of Communication and International Relations, Ramon Llull University en-US Tripodos 1138-3305 <p>Once an article has been approved for publication in Tripodos, the exclusive right to publish the work becomes the property of Blanquerna School of Communication and International Relations of Ramon Llull University. These rights can be granted to a third party with the agreement of the author(s).</p> <p>Until the articles have been approved for publication, Blanquerna School of Communication and International Relations of Ramon Llull University has no rights over them.</p> <p>The submission of articles is understood to represent explicit consent to these conditions of publication.</p> Communication Flows in the European Elections: Amid Populism and Euroscepticism <p>Introduction</p> Germán Llorca-Abad Guillermo López-García Copyright (c) 2021 Tripodos 2021-02-05 2021-02-05 49 9 12 Growing Fusion of Populism and Euroscepticism in Italy: A Comparative Analysis of the League and The Five Star Movement <p>There has been a growing fusion of populism and Euroscepticism in European politics, especially after recent economic and migration crises. Despite being a founding EU member and one of the most Europhile countries, Italy has seen the simultaneous rise of populism and Euroscepticism, especially after the last national elections in 2018. After introducing its conceptual and analytical framework, based on the growing fusion of populism and Euroscepticism, this article compares the League and the Five Star Movement (M5S) in terms of populism and Euroscepticism and their policies before the last European Parliament elections in 2019. The qualitative analysis is based on semi-structured, face-to-face, indepth interviews with elite and expert participants conducted by the author in Italy in 2018.</p> Selcen Öner Copyright (c) 2021 Tripodos 2021-02-05 2021-02-05 49 13 28 10.51698/tripodos.2020.49p13-28 Thematic Agenda on Twitter in the 2019 European Parliament Elections: A Comparative Study Between ‘Spitzenkandidaten’ and National Candidates <p>The representativeness of the European Parliament has usually been a subject of controversy which is currently enhanced by Brexit and the development of several populist movements within the EU. In this context, the elections to the European Parliament in 2019 were the second time in which the Spitzenkandidaten system was applied. Bearing this in mind, the objective of this research is to know the thematic agenda set by these transnational candidates on Twitter, trying to find differences with the issues raised by the traditional national leaders. To this end, the technique of quantitative content analysis is used, referring to the issues addressed on Twitter by the six candidates to chair the Commission, as well as the thematic agenda expressed by a selection of the national candidates. The sample includes politicians from the four most populated countries of the Union: Germany, France, Italy and Spain. The results show a more thematically concentrated agenda in the Spitzenkandidaten than in national candidates. Therefore, the European elections seem to move on two levels: the national, in which the candidates by countries confront national issues, and the transnational, in which the Spitzenkandidaten address topics from a European approach, together with references to domestic policy.</p> Rubén Rivas-de-Roca Mar García-Gordillo Copyright (c) 2021 Tripodos 2021-02-05 2021-02-05 49 29 49 10.51698/tripodos.2020.49p29-49 Using Social Media to Motivate Anti-migration Sentiments. Political Implications in the United States and Beyond <p>The proliferation of nationalist and nativist movements all over the world has capitalized on the broad impact of social media, especially on Twitter. In the case of the United States, as candidate and then as President, Donald Trump initiated an active use of Twitter to disseminate his views on migration and migrants. This paper analyzes the themes and the political implications of his tweets from Trump’s electoral win to the end of the first year of his presidency. The authors’ assumptions are that Trump’s rhetoric untapped a collective sentiment against migration as well as one which supported views to protect migrant communities. The findings show that some topics were retweeted massively fueling the perceptions that most Americans were against migrant communities and their protectors.</p> <p>We conducted content analysis of the tweets sent by President Trump during his first year in the White House. We used the personal account of Trump in Twitter @realDonaldTrump. Trump has used his personal account as a policy and political media instrument to convey his messages rather than to use the official account that all Presidents have traditionally used @POTUS. Since Trump ran on a nativist platform with strong negative sentiments against migrants and immigration in general, we examined the tweets that relate to these topics.</p> Blanca Nicasio Varea Marta Pérez Gabaldón Manuel Chavez Copyright (c) 2021 Tripodos 2021-02-05 2021-02-05 49 51 69 10.51698/tripodos.2020.49p51-69 Polarization and Spectacle in the Spanish Political Talk Show ‘La Sexta Noche’ During the 2019 European Elections <p>This article analyses how in the main political talk show on television in Spain, La Sexta Noche, the main themes of the European agenda were silenced or conditioned by the themes of the national, regional and local agenda during the last European elections. The media debate was oriented towards an analysis of the results of national elections and the campaign for regional and local elections that allowed for a greater spectacle, thanks to the shock effect of such polarized ideologies and the trivialization of national politics. This research has studied all the shows of the programme broadcast as of the national elections on 28th April 2019 up until the European elections held on 26th May 2019, analysing the main topics covered and the kind and tone of discourses made. Due to the fact that controversial political issues are preferred to more relevant ones in order to generate a spectacle and bigger audiences, the results indicate that the political talk show analysed contributes to the trivialization of debates and the impoverishment of public space, aided by formal elements inherent in the infotainment genre.</p> Àlvar Peris Blanes Javier Pérez-Sánchez Copyright (c) 2021 Tripodos 2021-02-05 2021-02-05 49 71 87 10.51698/tripodos.2020.49p71-87 Audiovisual Representation in Spanish and European Election Debates <p>The presence of ever more conflicting stances between Europhiles and Eurosceptics has revealed some audiovisual discourses unknown until now. The fragmentation of inconclusive narrative discourse and staged situations with a clear intent to clash all make it necessary to analyse in detail the role given by the audiovisual media to the European process of democratisation. This study addresses the audiovisual discourse in Spanish public television (TVE) with the intention of discovering how the different topics addressed in debates are dealt with in audiovisual production, and whether those topics have benefited from certain decisions by the production team that are subjective a priori. Using external codifiers, the intensity of each question has been checked and the result has been correlated with the dependent variables “[camera] shot with question while listening” and “shot with question with split screen”. The variables have been subjected to descriptive analyses, correlation with hypotheses, and bivariate analyses using Pearson’s correlation (Rx-y). The results indicate a clear difference in the modes of television representation between national Spanish and European debates. It is discussed whether this audiovisual differentiation may condition the perception that the audience may have of European politics.</p> Sebastián Sánchez Castillo Esteban Galán-Cubillo Arnau Gifreu-Castells Copyright (c) 2021 Tripodos 2021-02-05 2021-02-05 49 89 108 10.51698/tripodos.2020.49p89-108 “In the land of elections, the populist man is king”: The online communication of Basta and Vox in the 2019 European elections <p>This article, having an Iberian circumscription, focuses on populist parties – the Portuguese Basta and the Spanish Vox –, specifically on their online communication conducted in the context of the 2019 European elections. Using the mixed method and having a <em>corpus</em> comprised of Facebook posts (n=40) and videos (n=4), a triple content analysis was conducted: quantitative, qualitative, and rhetorical. The results show that, in terms of substance in Facebook, the two political actors focus more on the building of a sense of ingroup favoritism – in order to explore the feeling of inclusion, being the posts with this thematic substance the most liked, shared, and commented –, are unequivocal in presenting themselves as representatives of popular sovereignty and do not denote conflict in national and European entities. In terms of style, the use of visual image reveals that there are more posts focused on positive emotionality. In the videos, the tone against Europe is more critical and the use of rhetorical diversity is noted, such as emotional bipolarity, Manichaeism, exemplification, use of question mark, recency effect, repetition, factual evidence.</p> Célia Felícia Belim Rodrigues Copyright (c) 2021 Tripodos 2021-02-05 2021-02-05 49 109 128 10.51698/tripodos.2020.49p109-128 The Italian ‘Taste’: The Far-Right and the Performance of Exclusionary Populism During the European Elections <p>This article examines populist leaders’ politicisation of food in their social media performances. More precisely, it analyses Matteo Salvini’s Instagram posts during the 2019 European elections, and the way food is mobilized for populist and nationalist purposes. The main argument is that food serves as a cultural trope that confers identity, reinforcing social divisions and the terms of national and class belonging. Drawing on Bourdieu’s (1984) social critique of taste, political leaders have traditionally placed themselves on the side of a distant gastronomic culture; that of a high-end elite. However, populist leaders perform a twofold role, attempting to present themselves as part of the common people and distancing themselves from the traditional elite. This change in social positioning is reflected in their social media accounts, often posting “authentic” glimpses of their cultural practices, such as cooking and eating. Methodologically, this paper uses a mixed-methods concurrent design, combining digital ethnography and visual rhetoric analysis for examining both the discursive and the aesthetic clues that construct Salvini’s social positioning towards taste. Through food, being Italian becomes a matter of constructing Italian authenticity against the national intellectual and political elite, but also against the European value-building project.</p> Sara García Santamaría Copyright (c) 2021 Tripodos 2021-02-05 2021-02-05 49 129 149 10.51698/tripodos.2020.49p129-149 When Social Media Doesn’t Determine All: The Topics and Narratives of Latvian Political Parties on Facebook During the 2019 European Parliament Elections Campaign <p>Over the last decade, the implementation of campaigns by political parties and their candidates on social media platforms has become an integral part of political communication. Political communication studies have long indicated that elections are becoming personalized, with more focus on party leaders or individual candidates. But studies on communication by political parties to understand the identity of parties and their potential in communication with voters remain relevant. The aim of the paper is to analyse the visual election materials of the political parties from Latvia on the social network Facebook during the 2019 European Parliament (EP) election campaign. The research period is two weeks before elections. The subject of the study is election materials on Facebook accounts of the parties representing the national parliament of Latvia. A codebook for analysis has been developed, containing common and specific variables, designed to explore the verbal and visual dimensions. The results of the study allow us to draw conclusions about the changing success of new populist and traditional parties, as well as to look at the role of Facebook in elections in a little-studied country.</p> Mārtiņš Pričins Copyright (c) 2021 Tripodos 2021-02-05 2021-02-05 49 151 165 10.51698/tripodos.2020.49p151-165 Table of contents <p>Table of contents</p> Revista Tripodos Copyright (c) 2021 Tripodos 2021-02-05 2021-02-05 49 1 8 Habits and Feelings Regarding COVID-19 News Coverage During Lockdown in Spain <p>The home lockdown that took place due to the COVID-19 health crisis brought about changes in people’s daily routines. One of these involved their habits when accessing news, which was even more prevalent in countries like Spain, one of those hardest hit by the disease and with one of the longest lockdowns. Using two online surveys based on quantitative and qualitative questions and a semi-structured interview, one (N=530) given during the first week of lockdown and the second (N=300) at month’s end, this article analyses news consumption to identify changes in media access routines after one month of confinement. The results show that although there was a high level of interest in the news during the first week, time spent on news about the coronavirus subsequently decreased due to sensations such as information overload, stress or anxiety or the absence of novelty, and because people followed the media, social networks and journalists more selectively. Respondents expressed criticism of disinformation, fake news, sensationalism, lack of ethics among certain news outlets and constant doubt about the ideological intent of the information.</p> Ana Isabel Bernal Copyright (c) 2021 Tripodos 2021-02-05 2021-02-05 49 169 183 10.51698/tripodos.2020.49p169-183 Broadcast Programming and Strategies in the Spanish TV Duopoly System: A Comparative Analysis on Atresmedia and Mediaset (2013-2019) <p>Over the last decade, the private television market in Spain has gone through a paradigmatic model of duopoly between two large corporations, Atresmedia and Mediaset, both forged out of two major mergers: that of Telecinco with Cuatro, and that of Antena 3 with La Sexta. We intended to analyze the change that the private television sector has undergone in our country since that double merger and how the content and audiences of the four channels have evolved. We resorted to a methodological triangulation of historical-systemic review, content analysis and comparative method. One of the most interesting conclusions drawn from the investigation has been the discovery that Mediaset has turned Cuatro into an almost mimetic channel and subsidiary of Telecinco, while Atresmedia has largely respected the differentiation of its two main channels: Antena 3 and La Sexta TV.</p> Joaquín Sotelo González Javier Sierra Sánchez Francisco Cabezuelo Lorenzo Copyright (c) 2021 Tripodos 2021-02-05 2021-02-05 49 185 214 10.51698/tripodos.2020.49p185-214